Saturday, December 16, 2017

How Macron Circumvents His Own Ministers

Much was said during the campaign about Macron's lack of political experience and not enough about his intimate familiarity with the real levers of power in France, which are found not on the village marketplaces where politicians distribute their tracts but in the back offices of the various ministries. And now that he is in power, Macron has devised an efficient method of circumventing the politicians, including his own ministers, and reaching directly into those back offices in order to influence how the levers are pulled. His method is detailed in this article in Le Monde. I have long maintained that government in France is effective only when the chief executive forges an alliance with the top administrators. Conservatives used to know how to do this. The Socialists had something of the knack in the early Mitterrand years, when many young énarques in the ministries brought left-wing sympathies with them into the administration.

Macron knows from experience how the sausage is made. It's the secret of his effectiveness so far. He inspires all those departmental directors. Meanwhile, it's said the luster has begun to wear off for many REM deputies, especially those who came from the private sector. They are said to feel "useless." In their previous jobs they were VIPs, decision-makers, movers and shakers. Now they're legislators, who must sit all day day in the hémicycle just to raise their hands. I feel their pain.

Macron Turns 40, Hardens His Heart

Emmanuel Macron is celebrating his fortieth birthday at the Château de Chambord, surrounded by hunters chasing wild boar. It's an injudicious choice for a president who has made much use of the power of symbolism, unless of course he wants to project a Jupiterian power ensconced in a proper seat, or throne.

Meanwhile, he is projecting power of a different kind, cracking down on refugees in makeshift shelters and welcome centers, which the immigration police have allowed themselves to enter for the first time. He would prefer, however, that we refer to "migrants" rather than "refugees." Because apparently the president's policy on immigration is that France remains a "land of asylum" but only for those officially classified as "refugees" before entering Europe. The rest are unwanted migrants who are liable to arrest and deportation.

So while Angela Merkel labors to persuade her reluctant European partners to share the refugee burden more equitably, Macron is setting a very different example, demonstrating that on his watch France is going to take a very tough stand indeed. Which can only encourager les autres to defy Merkel as well. This--far more than the reform of the labor code--is the unattractive side of Macronism.

Meanwhile, François Bayrou, who has kept a low profile since his ouster from government, is apparently plotting a comeback as--listen well!--"the left wing of Macronism." Yes, you heard that right. Bayrou, Monsieur le Centre, sees himself as the left wing, the "social" wing, of Macronism. He is certainly right that such a thing is needed. Perhaps this refugee crackdown will give a chance to show what he means when he says that Macronism needs a social wing. Le Macronisme à visage humain remains to be defined.

Monday, December 11, 2017

Saturday, December 9, 2017

Édouard Philippe

Has there ever been a quieter prime minister than Édouard Philippe? He's certainly a change from Manuel Valls. For insight into his personality, I recommend listening to a podcast of this morning's Répliques, in which Alain Finkielkraut and Philippe discuss not politics but ... books.

Finkielkraut, armed with his bottomless chrestomathy of high-brow quotations and his endless supply of cut-and-dried and unalterable préjugés (no one reads anymore, the Internet has killed culture, France's teachers have abandoned the young, the schools reenact The Lord of the Flies, etc.), wants to enlist Philippe in his quixotic crusade to save the Republic, but Philippe will not be drawn. "Do you listen to music when you read, M. Finkielkraut? Some people say they can't. It's impossible. Well I do, so I know it's not impossible. And perhaps it's the same with the Internet and with electronic devices. Let me tell you about my daughter. She is seven and reads a lot, as everyone in the family does. And she discovered reading through an electronic device. So the two are not necessarily incompatible." (I'm quoting from memory, not verbatim.)

I find Philippe straightforward, plain-spoken, intelligent but undemonstrative and without designs on you (unlike Macron, whose use of cultural references invariably suggests a certain strategic cunning). Why had his parents advised him to read Cyrano de Bergerac? Because his ears stuck out, his classmates taunted him, and he suffered from his physical defect. So he read the play, but it didn't speak to him in that hour of need. He rediscovered it years later, thanks to a film. And he wasn't ashamed to mention it as a text that was important to him even though he knew it was dismissed as a minor work which he had never been mentioned in all his years of study.

Philippe gives every impression of being that rare thing in politics, a man content to cultivate his garden without aspiring to become either the sun god or the Sun King. Jupiter has found the perfect complement.

Thursday, December 7, 2017

Whither Europe?

I ponder the future of Europe in the wake of major political changes in France and Germany.

Wednesday, December 6, 2017

Johnny et Jean

France is about to be submerged by a wave of nostalgia. The deaths of Johnny Hallyday ("notre Johnny national", as a French friend once put it to me with a tinge of savage irony) and Jean d'Ormesson will remind people of a certain age--my age--that their days are numbered.

Those who danced to the endless string of Johnny hits in the years leading up to May '68 will recall what it was like when the sap flowed more freely in their veins than it does today. Those who imagined their own future amorous lives on the model of Johnny and Sylvie will conjure up the pangs of lost loves.

The Johnny cult has always more or less mystified me. I was an American and therefore had no need of the French Elvis. I had the genuine article. French rock largely struck me as a pale shadow of the real thing. I had somewhat warmer feelings about Johnny the film actor. He had a certain something, which came I suppose of being a national monument called upon to play an ordinary bloke. The Fabrice Lucchini film Jean-Philippe played with this a bit.

As for Jean d'Ormesson, while no one would quite call him "notre Jean national," he was for a time a rather ubiquitous presence. I doubt that he would have much of claim on the nation's nostalgia were it not for Apostrophes, the Bernard Pivot bookchat show, of which he was a fixture. Despite having been editor of Le Figaro for many years, it was his genial presence on Pivot's stage that made him a celebrity, a status that neither his novels nor his election to the Académie française would have earned him. He dined with presidents (and was in fact Mitterrand's last luncheon companion before his death), but television made him a household name and broadcast his seductive charms even to those in the audience who found his politics a bit on the réac side.

Tuesday, December 5, 2017

The Loyal Opposition Loses Its Cool

I had missed Jean-Luc Mélenchon's appearance on L'Emission Politique, but my blogging confrère Arun Kapil alerted me with a Facebook post. To say that Mélenchon was disagreeable would be an understatement. It has been said that he was embittered by his elimination from the presidential contest after round 1, when he had come so close. Perhaps. Or perhaps bitterness and invective have become his strategic weapons. At times he seemed to be following the playbook of Georges Marchais (Taisez-vous, Elkabbach!). At other times his model seemed to be Donald Trump, who knows how to use humor to get the crowd on his side when he lashes out at the "elite" media (as Mélenchon did in his little routine on Venezuela, with the line about the child's toy cow that says "Moo!" each time you turn it over). He got the laughs, but one had the feeling that the crowd remained uncomfortable even as it guffawed because the spectacle was that of a man not quite in control of his emotions.

All that was bad enough, but now we have Mélenchon on his blog attacking the journalist Léa Salamé for her ethnicity:

J’ai cru à un super débat sur les deux doctrines économiques en présence et ainsi de suite. Je ne me suis pas préoccupé de ses liens familiaux et communautaires politiques. Quand elle m’a pris à parti sur mon patrimoine de riche, moi le fils d’un postier et d’une institutrice, j’aurais pu lui en jeter de bien bonnes à la figure en matière de patrimoine et de famille. Depuis, ma naïveté fait rire mes amis mieux informés et plus vigilant que moi sur tout cela.
This from the self-appointed champion of laïcité. The claim that he was sandbagged by journalists and a network with a hidden agenda because of his naivety is hardly credible from a man who has been in politics for 40 years and who has appeared countless times on L'Emission Politique. Perhaps his model is not so much Marchais or Trump as the elder Le Pen, who knew so well how to transform clashes with journalists into proof of his anti-establishment bona fides.

None of this would matter except that Mélenchon is now by default the leader of the loyal opposition. The Socialists have absolutely disappeared from the scene (in polls they now trail the Communists). The FN is in disarray, and the Republicans are now in the process of splintering, with one faction joining the marais of soft Macronistes and the other following Laurent Wauquiez into swamps of a more feverish sort, on the fringes of civilization and not far removed from the savagery of the Frontistes.

The next elections are European parliament elections, which are generally an occasion for the electorate to vent its discontents with the incumbent government, and there is plenty of discontent with Macron. So La France Insoumise, as the only semi-organized force of any size in the field, could do well. But Mélenchon wants more than votes. He wants to head a movement, a revolutionary force, and his troops aren't responding to the trumpet. Perhaps that's the source of his frustration. Perhaps he thinks that by turning coleric he can rally the rag-tag army of vociferous lycéen(ne)s and trotskystes de troisième âge who form his base. But this latest sally at Salamé is completely out of bounds, particularly coming from someone who now leads the opposition. It's a comment one might expect from a leader of Alternative für Deutschland but not from the leader of La France Insoumise. With such an opposition, France finds itself in a parlous state.

Thursday, November 30, 2017

Adam Shatz on the Ramadan Affair

In The New Yorker. This is the best summary I have seen of this latest Parisian brouhaha.

Saturday, November 25, 2017


Macron has completed his first remaniement. It turned out to be a small affair. No one was sacked. Even Christophe Castaner, who many thought would have to go because he could not both become head of LRM and remain in charge of relations with parliament, stayed in the end, perhaps as yet another demonstration that Macron can and will do as he pleases, critics notwithstanding. The few ministers and sub-ministers rumored to have their heads on the chopping block kept them in the end.

As a gesture, perhaps, to the left, Olivier Dussopt, once close to Martine Aubry and then to Manuel Valls, became a Socialist Trojan horse in the otherwise solidly right-wing Bercy. He will be in charge of the civil service, which is perhaps the only remaining PS foyer.

Saturday, November 18, 2017

Castagne sur Castaner

Christophe Castaner has been named and duly "elected" head of REM. "Named" is putting it mildly and "elected" putting it generously. He was in fact imposed from on high--I would say by Jupiter himself, except that I am tiring of the Jupiter metaphor, with which the president flattered his own pretensions for apotheosis. This was a politician's power move, not an act of god. It rankled at the base. A few hundred Marcheurs have quit the party, and a few local chapters have expressed their discontent. But for the moment there is no fronde, and even those who have quit tend not to blame Macron but rather "the party," which of course has no existence other than as a Macron vehicle, so this is a distinction without a difference.

But the real fissures in REM will not emerge until the first remaniement, which may be coming soon, or the first high-profile resignation, which could well be Nicolas Hulot. Some of REM's young followers believed that the nomination of Hulot was a promise that all contradictions could be reconciled, that deregulation and regulation would be dosed out with an even hand, a labor code reform here, a nuclear plant decommissioning there, etc. This has proved more difficult than they bargained on. But for the moment disillusionment has been held in check. A reckoning is coming.

Friday, November 17, 2017

Ni droite, ni gauche, ni Plenel, ni Charlie: Macron and "le terreau de la terreur"

On Nov. 9 Emmanuel Macron spoke about France's neglected banlieues. It was a good speech, in which Macron repeated the argument that had earned him the enmity of Manuel Valls when Valls was prime minister, namely, that the Republic had failed some of its citizens by relegating them to ghettos, allowing their housing and schools to disintegrate, and permitting discrimination against them in the workplace.

But this admirable willingness to stare directly at one of the open sores on the body politic came in the midst of one of the sadder spectacles of recent years, the absolutely vicious polemic between Charlie Hebdo on one side and Mediapart on the other. I will not rehearse the history; Le Monde does a good job here for anyone not au courant, even as it calls, no doubt futilely, for a truce.

Now it remains for Macron to transform his words into flesh and launch an urban politics worthy of the name. When it comes to repairing social ills, the government cannot do everything, as Lionel Jospin once said in another context, but that is no excuse for doing nothing. This will be one test of Macron's readiness to be something more than a supply-side reformer. This is where he can earn his social liberal spurs. I wish him success. French stability will depend on it.

Tuesday, November 14, 2017

Seminar at Harvard

If you're in the Boston area, you might want to consider attending this on Monday, Nov. 20:

4:15pm - 6:00pm Center for European Studies, Harvard, 27 Kirkland St., Cambridge
Contemporary Europe Study Group — Panel on the Implications of the French and German Elections for the Future of the European Union
  • Adrien Abecassis – Fellow, Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, Harvard University; Diplomat, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, France
  • Hans-Helmut Kotz – Visiting Professor of Economics, Harvard University
  • Niels Planel – International Consultant, Harvard Kennedy School of Government
  • Chair Arthur Goldhammer – Chair, Visiting Scholars Seminar: New Research on Europe, CES, Harvard University

Saturday, November 11, 2017

The Personal Is Political

So Emmanuel Macron and Frank-Walter Steinmeier embraced the other day over the graves of the WWI dead. Physical demonstrativeness has been part of the Franco-German relationship for a long time now. De Gaulle didn't embrace Adenauer--not his style--but he did invite him home to Colombey-les-Deux-Églises, the only world leader ever so honored. Mitterrand and Kohl famously held hands. Sarkozy kissed Merkel, to her apparent annoyance. Hollande bussed her cheek. Macron swerved from Trump to Angela, who received his heartfelt accolade. All this touchy-feely-ness is meant to say, "Never again!"

Scratch the surface, however, and you find that deep suspicion remains, for all the convergence that has taken place. At some level, France and Germany are destined not to understand each other. Perhaps it's the Catholic-Protestant thing, which Macron evoked in his Der Spiegel interview. I'm inclined to think that the religious difference is secondary to a linguistic difference. I've been reading Der Zauberberg, slowly, over the past few months. German rewires the brain. It doesn't come naturally to the Latin mind. As a native speaker of English, I should be wired both ways, but I've been deformed by too many years of immersion in French.

Friday, November 3, 2017

Les déçus du hollandisme

After six months of unemployment preceded by five years of anticipation, the veterans of what RTL's Les Grandes Gueules used to mock as "le pays de Hollande" are publishing their memoirs. Two more are due to appear today. I think I shall spare myself the task of reading them. I'm halfway through Cambadélis's memoir, having already, even before the final debacle, read Aquilino Morelle's and of course the Confessions of the man himself to Davet and Lhomme. One's appetite for misery is not unlimited.

There are recurrent themes, of course. The odd thing is the president's almost pathological passivity. Cambadélis puts it down to a lack of preparation: Hollande had expected to be DSK's prime minister rather than president and had not theorized his presidency. This is a weak defense. What did he expect to be doing as prime minister. There is of course betrayal: both Morelle and Cambadélis stress the debacle of Florange, but from opposite sides: Morelle believes that Hollande knifed Montebourg in the back, Cambadélis believes the opposite. Both are correct, but this serves only to highlight Hollande's irresolution, on which everyone agrees. He was the decider who refused to decide: if gouverner, c'est choisir, Hollande never governed.

Cambadélis, falling back on the alibi of all failed politicians, blames the media. Gantzer and Feltesse invoke the affairs, especially Cahuzac and Closer, and Camba could not agree more. Then there was Leonarda, the Roma adolescent who dissed the president on national TV. And there was La Trierweiler, whom Camba evidently despises, but he can't refrain from revealing his contempt for the henpecked president-elect who allowed his mistress to oblige him to overcome his natural reserve by ordering him to bestow an election-night kiss on national television.

In the end, all agree that the presidency, the culmination of Hollande's life in politics, served only to reveal his unfitness for the job. It could have gone differently, all these commentators suggest, if only Hollande had been a different person. Cambadélis's resentment of Macron is evident, but at bottom his book is a resounding brief in favor of Macronism: the French people will put up with anything in their president except a void. Contradictions are tolerable; mollesse is not.

Thursday, November 2, 2017

Jupiter Takes On Homer

Tuesday, October 24, 2017

Social Europe?

Emmanuel Macron has got his way on the posted workers issue. The victory will have little impact in economic terms, but its symbolic importance outweighs its economic significance. It is an achievement to which the president will point as evidence that his mixed cooperative/combative approach to the EU and above all his close relationship with Angela Merkel is yielding concrete benefits. He can present himself as the defender of French workers against any "invasion" by the famous Polish plumber and his many comrades in the construction industry. With this victory in hand he can move on to his next target, the unfair competition waged by East European trucking firms that send their truckers westward to do local hauling.

All this is in keeping with Macron's larger strategy, which is to maintain a constant sense of forward motion by winning small victories on matters of great importance to specific constituencies. Given the unlikelihood of progress toward major institutional reform of the EU after the advent of a Jamaica coalition in Germany, this is smart politics. The EU will help give a "social" dimension to Macron's reforms, which will (he hopes) mitigate the impression that Mélenchon is trying to create that he is the "president of the rich." Mélenchon, despite having voted for Maastricht in 1992, is coming on increasingly as anti-EU, in part because he hopes to profit from the post-election disarray of the FN. The next elections in France are EU elections, and JLM stands to do well if he can mop up disaffected FN voters. Each EU victory for Macron is another obstacle to the strategy of France Insoumise.

Saturday, October 21, 2017

An Official "Celebration" of May '68?

The word is that Le Marcheur en Chef wants to organize an official celebration of May '68. Exactly how to do this is to be worked out in conjunction with Daniel Cohn-Bendit, a 68-er made good. I guess this is the final confirmation that my generation is about to be shuffled--ceremoniously, to be sure--off the stage and into the dustbin of history. 'Twas bliss in that dawn to be alive/but to be young was very heaven, and of course the last thing anyone young and alive at the time would have wanted was an official commemoration.

Will Johnny Hallyday be invited? The president is said to like his music (Brigitte doesn't), but Johnny supported Sarkozy. Johnny et Sylvie en même temps--another triumph for La République En Marche! Les deux France, at last reconciled.

Quelle mascarade! as the General would have said.

Tuesday, October 17, 2017


The journalists Fabrice Arfi and Karl Laske have been on the trail of the link between Sarkozy and the late Muammar Kadhafi for six years, during the course of which Mediapart has published many articles purporting to show that the latter finance the former's 2007 presidential campaign only to be murdered in the course of a military operation instigated in large part by the man he helped to make president. If the story is true, it's one of the great political scandals of modern times. Arfi and Laski have now collected their evidence in a 400-page book entitled Avec les compliments du Guide. Perhaps it will provoke the French authorities to pursue the case.

Wednesday, October 11, 2017

Tuesday, October 10, 2017

Magnette on Macron

Paul Magnette, the former prime minister of Wallonia, has published an interesting analysis of Macron's Sorbonne declaration on Europe. For Magnette, Macron's European vision is all about establishing borders, both internal and external. Internally, there is to be a two-speed Europe. Macron, as Magnette sees it, has not only embraced the German antipathy to a "transfer union," he has also come up with a method for enforcing the insider/outsider division: insiders must harmonize their tax regimes, outsiders will be punished by a loss of access to structural funds. The two-speed Europe will also be furthered by new restrictions on posted workers and heightened sanctions against illiberal, anti-democratic regimes.

Externally, Europe will reinforce its borders not only by increased spending on border security but also by imposing duties on polluting regimes, namely, China and the US. By contrast, Europe will "cooperate" more closely with developing countries in Africa, both to reduce the number of potential immigrants and to develop an external market, which Magnette sees as a latter-day reproduction of the Gaullist vision of a "Françafrique."

This is not the vision of Europe that Magnette would prefer, but he seems nevertheless to credit Macron with a fine sense of realism: This is a Europe that can be achieved in the current configuration of the Franco-German couple.

Friday, October 6, 2017


By now everyone throughout France and Navarre knows that Emmanuel Macron accused some obstreperous workers of seeking to "foutre le bordel" instead of looking for work. Hence Jupiter, who wants to be compared de Gaulle, has been increasingly compared to Sarkozy. The lofty words of the Sorbonne speech on Europe, meant to inspire a generation, have been replaced by the overheard ejaculation at GS&M and compared to the "casse-toi pauvr' con" of two presidencies past.

Cruel fate. The French feign to have forgotten the de Gaulle who said "La réforme oui, la chie-en-lit non." A certain military bluntness was part of the general's character. Macron seems to want to appropriate this side of de Gaulle as well, the de Gaulle whose often gruff table talk was faithfully reproduced by Alain Peyrefitte. Macron's provocations are too frequent to be accidental. The man himself is too disciplined to let slip words like illettrés and fainéants and foutre le bordel. He is a man of many voices, one when he is flattering Paul Ricoeur, another when he wants to ingratiate himself with CEOs (and project firmness to the nation beyond--he could hardly have failed to notice the boom mike hovering above his head when he made his "off-the-record" remark).

The many Macrons have yet to coalesce into a single clear image, which may never arrive. The scattered oppositions are trying to hang various images of their own around his neck. For France Insoumise he is "the president of the rich." Meanwhile, as Thomas Legrand perceptively noted this morning, the Republicans are trying to paint him as un déraciné, harking back to the language of Maurice Barrès. They have formed a new mission, "La France des Territoires," as the spearhead of their quest to reclaim the voters lost to the Front National. They see their new majority in rural and small-town France, which they contrast to the "rootless cosmopolitan" France that, in their telling, elected Macron. Echoes of the 1930s overlay the Barrèsian imagery.

Meanwhile, François Baroin has made himself the apostle of the communes of France, combining the identitarian thrust of La France des Territoires with the resentment many local officials feel because of Macron's drastic cuts in the budget for local and regional assistance. He appeared on RTL this morning singing this tune while Legrand was reading his editorial on France Inter. For him, Macron is the ultra-Jacobin "recentralizer," against whom he is raising the banner of Girondin resistance. The eternal recurrence of certain narrative clichés promises a revival of la société bloquée.

Thus the "social fractures" between urban and rural France, between globalized and protectionist France, between thriving and suffering France, so evident in the voting returns, have begun to find expression in the rhetoric of resistance to Macronism, as everyone tries to foutre le bordel un peu partout.

Wednesday, October 4, 2017

Restoring the Balance

As if he had read my previous post on his unbalanced presidency, President Macron went yesterday to Amiens to underscore his commitment to workers. Or perhaps it was Thomas Legrand's radio editorial, which made the same point I did. Or Marcel Gauchet:
« C’est la limite actuelle du macronisme : il parle à la France qui va bien, mais il n’a pas grand-chose à dire à l’autre », met en garde le philosophe et historien Marcel Gauchet dans le numéro de septembre-octobre de la revue Le Débat.
Or maybe it was just the promise he made in the heat of the campaign to return to Amiens, the site of his dramatic confrontation with Whirlpool workers whipped into a frenzy by the prior visit of Marine Le Pen.

In any case, here was a golden opportunity to keep faith with the spirit of en même temps. Firms will get tax breaks, but at the same time they will create more jobs. In Amiens the theory has supposesdly been put to the test: the Whirlpool plant has found a buyer, who has agreed to save some jobs, and Amazon, though being dunned by the EU for taxes, has agreed to open a new installation. Was this a response to Macron's policies or to the high unemployment rate in Amiens, which ensures a decent supply of workers ready to work for whatever wage Amazon is willing to pay? Who can say? The economists have yet to do their regressions. In the meantime, Macron can take credit. His friendly reception suggests that he may not have alienated the entire working class, as Jean-Luc Mélenchon claims. His approval rating has bounced back a bit off its low. But most of all, the new president has shown an ability to learn from his mistakes and correct his course. This was a successful coup de comm', as they say, but it may also be something more: an indication that the president really is willing to meet the opposition half-way.

Monday, October 2, 2017

En même temps, mais pas tout de suite

Emmanuel Macron's habitual use of en même temps during the campaign (essentially in order to convey "balance": je suis de gauche mais en même temps de droite) has become the butt of ridicule, even as his economic policy has tilted decisively to the right, deferring whatever was supposed to happen en même temps either to later or to the European empyrean, where all good things will come, but mañana.

His champions say, But he is doing precisely what he promised to do, which is more or less true when it comes to the wealth tax (ISF) but not quite true with the equally symbolic, if rather risible, slashing of the housing allowance (APL). The wealth tax remains on real estate but not on stocks, bonds, or--rather notoriously--yachts, private jets, show horses, or racing cars. These constitute le capital mobilier, which is supposed to be set en marche! by tax relief, where it will create jobs (for butlers, jockeys, and yacht salesmen?).

Budget minister Darmanin views this trickle-down stimulus as "Sarkozy en mieux," and I'm afraid this is an apt description. The Medef is cheering the labor-code reform with full throat, but Jean-Claude Mailly's leadership of the FO has been challenged from within his own ranks.

Macron has no doubt heard the criticisms. Further success depends on his ability to respond constructively, and not by calling his opponents "fainéants" or insisting that he knows best. The time for balance is now.

Thursday, September 28, 2017

NY Times Quotes This Blog

The evidence. Maybe Trump is right. Fake news. Failing NY Times.

Team Macron at KSG

The Harvard Gazette covers the show. Caption contest: Describe my attitude. (Far right. I am the discussant and the only non-member of Team Macron.)

Wednesday, September 27, 2017

Cambadélis on Hollande

Jean-Christophe Cambadélis was on RTL this morning, and his comment on Hollande's attitude toward Macron struck me as perceptive. One of the great mysteries of last year's campaign is why Hollande did so little to rein in Macron when he started to go off-reservation. The impudence of a sitting minister launching a movement that to many appeared aimed at unseating the sitting president went unpunished. The question is why.

Armchair psychologists, including myself, have seized on Hollande's remark (to Davet and Lhomme) that he regarded Macron as his "spiritual son" and concluded that this special kinship somehow made Macron untouchable. Cambadélis has a different explanation, equally speculative but probably better informed by intimate knowledge. Hollande, he says, intended to "instrumentalize" Macron in order to neutralize Juppé. Macron would "ringardiser" Juppé and his centrism and thus clear the way for a Hollande comeback, since at that point everyone expected that Juppé would be the candidate of the right. Then (although Cambadélis did not go this far) Hollande could have bought Macron off with a promise of the prime ministership in Hollande's second term. This would have been more than a sufficient prize for most ambitious 39-year-olds and should have fulfilled the desires of both the spiritual father and the spiritual son.

This grubby political calculus is indeed Hollandesque: as intricate as it was short-sighted, not to say blind to the hopelessness of the president's own position. One wonders if such a scenario might even have been discussed openly. Perhaps Macron was party to it, until his own candidacy took off and Hollande's fate was sealed by the very book in which he revealed his spiritual kinship to Judas. Of couse this is also precisely the sort of political calculation that would appeal to Cambadélis, so perhaps the whole thing is a figment of his imagination.

I have ordered his book. Political perfidy makes for good bedtime reading.

Le JT 20H de France2

The network news is a bit ringard in the 21st century of the Internet, but, as a subscriber to TV5Monde, I have been watching the JT 20h of France2 for many years now. As is well-known, we old folks have a hard time getting used to change, so it was with trepidation that I greeted the announcement that the seemingly inoxydable David Pujadas had been replaced. Not that I held any particular brief for Pujadas. His blandness simply seemed de rigueur, what one might expect from a state channel.

His replacement, Anne-Sophie Lapix, is no less bland, her smile no less ubiquitous, though rather more motherly. Pujadas was a Ken-doll, while Lapix is anything but Barbie. But the personality differences matter less than the changes in staging. Someone at France2 has decided that the news should be delivered by people on their feet, roving about the stage, which is now fitted out with diorama-like backdrops and plexiglas comptoirs. Lapix wanders stage right, notes in hand, to confront François Lenglet or one of the other in-house regulars, then veers stage left to take up another subject. All the movement seems quite pointless. Perhaps the very idea of an "anchored" news delivery is outmoded. The Internet has led us to demand interactivity, the ability to zap from headline to headline, focusing only on what interests us rather than on what L'Oeil du 20 Heures has declared the day's feature story.

I'm curious to know if anyone else watches, and, if so, how you've reacted to the changes at France2.

Macron's Europe: Et le service après-vente?

President Macron chose the Sorbonne to give his big speech on Europe yesterday, following by a quarter century the great pre-Maastricht debate on the future of Europe at the same venue between François Mitterrand and Philippe Séguin. Coming only two days after the German vote cast a new shadow over Europe's future, Macron's words put a brave face on inner anxiety. He took care to avoid irritating German sensibilities, although there was a passing dig at the red line that FDP leader Christian Lindner said must not be crossed. In other respects the French president took care to remain well within the vague limits the German chancellor has already indicated she would be prepared to accept: a European finance chief wielding control over an unspecified budget, closer cooperation on immigration and security, candidates for the European parliament on transnational slates, taxation of American high-tech firms doing business in Europe. He also called for harmonization of French and German corporate tax rates, on which I don't believe Merkel has yet committed herself.

The speech was echt Macronism. Lofty in conception, bold in symbolism, vague on details. Macron's method is to indicate a general direction and leave the actual destination sufficiently unclear that whatever end is finally chosen can be declared as a victory. It worked with labor code reform; it might work with Europe. But eventually people will tire of the exercise of marking points on a map and begin to wonder if they've actually moved anywhere. Planning a vacation is fun, but you haven't been there until you can start posting those snapshots on Facebook, as it were. Europe is indeed necessary for France's future, as Macron suggests, but until its fruits start showing up in people's paychecks, it's going to be a hard sell. Macron can be a persuasive salesman, but potential buyers are already asking about le service après-vente.

Tuesday, September 26, 2017

A Faint Glimmer of Hope

Is it possible that my initial reaction was too pessimistic? Might the German election results actually facilitate rather than hinder EU reform? Not if you believe that Christian Lindner of the FDP will be a strong voice in the "Jamaica coalition":

The party’s leader, Christian Lindner, was blunt on Sunday night, repeating his opposition to Mr. Macron’s ideas. Without ruling out all reform, he said that a eurozone budget that could be used to send money to France and Italy “would be unthinkable and a red line for us.”

Mr. Lindner told journalists before the election that he would push for the finance ministry in a coalition. If he succeeds, it may produce little change from the similarly tough-minded Wolfgang Schäuble, who has been Ms. Merkel’s finance minister.
“Will Lindner be tougher than Schäuble?” asked Hans Kundnani of the German Marshall Fund. “Unlikely.”
But consider an alternative scenario: The SDP now goes into opposition and will try to revive its leftish voice, muted throughout the years of the Grand Coalition, a malady that induced leftist laryngitis.

One way to do that would be to call for solidarity among the social democratic parties of Europe. Job creation could be a first priority in such a call, and increased spending on infrastructure--much needed in Germany--could be made a prime policy goal. A European infrastructure fund could be created, to be financed by bonds jointly backed by the member states. These would not be "Eurobonds" per se, since Merkel has already declared her opposition to Eurobonds and Lindner would be even more opposed, but "infrastructure bonds," a modest subterfuge of the sort for which Eurocrats are deservedly famous.

Lindner would still be opposed, but with the backing of the SDP and the Greens, Merkel could finesse his opposition, and it remains to be seen if he would break the coalition over such a difference. Such stimulus spending could be placed under the joint authority of an infrastructure czar, French, and a new EU finance minister (German), thus effecting the kind of structural reform for which Macron is calling. A German fin min would mollify German conservatives and liberals by insisting on rules, while a French czar would be granted a certain discretion in doling out the euros.

Thus the founding tension within the EU would be perpetuated in yet another grand structural compromise of the sort for which the EU is (in)famous. Et voilà: progress snatched from the jaws of reaction. Am I dreaming? Who knows what Merkel really wants? But surely she does not want to see the AfD making further advances, and this will require some creative thinking to accommodate both the diehard advocates of the Schwarze Null and those who believe that something must be done for those deprived of the benefits of Modell Deutschland, the growing ranks of Germany's poor (the poverty rate has increased sharply in recent years despite the growing trade surplus, a sign of the woefully unequal distribution of the rewards of wage restraint).

So there is hope, if Lindner is not feeling too big for his breeches, if Merkel is alert to the opportunity, if Macron does not overplay his hand, and if the social-democratic left rises to the occasion in Germany and elsewhere. A lot of ifs, adding up to a faint maybe.

But it is a hope echoed by the green stripe in the Jamaica coalitiion: Green Party leader Cem Ozdemir, said: “The next government, which we want to join, must support France. There is no other way,” adding that austerity alone was no recipe for Europe.

Monday, September 25, 2017

The Senatorial Elections

REM sought in advance to interpret away the bad news it knew would be coming out of the senatorial elections. It's true that the Senate vote is generally a projection of the past onto the present, and since REM blasted away the past with its overwhelming victories in May and June, it was inevitable that the projected spirit of the antediluvian past would stand in sharp contrast. But it's also true that the mood has changed sharply since June, REM's "marche" has slowed to a crawl, and its failure to give much of a sign of life at all in the senatorials is fresh cause for worry.

The traditional right and center picked up 17 seats, the Socialists, with 80, lost only 6, and the Communists will be able to for a group. REM will have only 25 senators.

This is not a major setback for Macron, but there's no disguising the fact that it is a setback, and together with the disappointing German vote (see previous post), which weakened Merkel and therefore undercut German support for Macron, the president has new cause for worry and the opposition new warrant for seeing an opening that it would dearly love to exploit.

Sunday, September 24, 2017

My Hot Take on the German Election

Here. TL;DR version: Not good for Macron or France.

Mélenchon's Revealing Gaffe

In his "resistance proclamation" on Saturday, Jean-Luc Mélenchon praised the politics of the street, which he said had toppled kings, would-be reformers, and Nazis--implying that he would take his movement to the streets to stop the would-be reformer Macron.

Mélenchon, who is often praised for his "historical culture" as well as his eloquence, was here either ignorant or willfully blind, as Jean-Claude Mailly reminded him:

Jean-Claude Mailly a jugé "choquants" dimanche les propos tenus la veille par Jean-Luc Mélenchon, le secrétaire général de FO estimant que la rue n'a pas "abattu" le régime nazi, et l'a même "amené d'une certaine manière".
"Le régime nazi, c'est pas la rue qui l'a abattu, ce sont les alliés, ce sont les Américains, ce sont les Russes à une époque, etc (...) Si on connait un peu son histoire, c'est même la rue qui a amené le nazisme d'une certaine manière, donc il faut faire attention à ce que l'on dit", a déclaré M. Mailly lors de l'émission Le Grand Jury de RTL/Le Figaro/LCI.
(h/t Bert)

Thursday, September 21, 2017

The FN Explodes

The handwriting has been on the wall since the election. In recent days the pace quickened, as Marine Le Pen's lieutenants intensified their attacks on Florian Philippot. Marine herself summoned him to abandon his internal movement, Les Patriotes, and then stripped him of important party functions. Finally, Philippot, bowing to the obvious and declaring his lack of "taste for ridicule," announced his departure with a blast at the FN, which, he said, had succumbed "to its old demons." He had come as the harbinger of the famous "de-demonization," he would leave as a sacrifice to the goblins.

So it's the Night of the Long Knives on the far right. And this raises the stakes for the formerly respectable right as well. Laurent Wauquiez will see an opportunity to snag voters who came to the new, supposedly de-demonized, supposedly retooled FN architected by Philippot. These voters were drawn to the Philippot doctrine of economic sovereignty, national preference in hiring, and all-out opposition to the EU. The softening of the FN's image was essential to their recruitment. They were left dismayed by Marine Le Pen's obvious inability, in the inter-round debate, to give a coherent articulation of the Philippot line, much less defend it against criticism. They were disappointed by the FN's failure to meet its electoral expectations. They are likely to see the re-demonized party as a party with an even more dismal electoral future.

Philippot will woo them, perhaps attempting to turn his Les Patriotes movement into a full-fledged party, but I doubt he will succeed. He was a superb second to MLP but lacks the heft of a party leader. So this is an opportunity for Wauquiez. It's also an opportunity for Marion Maréchal Le Pen, but my hunch is that the interfamilial Sturm und Drang is too much for her and that her withdrawal from politics could be more than temporary.

There is also, potentially, an opportunity for J-L Mélenchon, but he is likely to trip over his own ego if he tries to seize it.

The discomfiture of the FN is an occasion for rejoicing. May it be confirmed by polling in the coming months and then by the next electoral test. Interesting times.

And chalk up another manna-from-heaven victory for Emmanuel Macron. As I put it in a talk yesterday, he is the luckiest man on earth. His gaffes seem to do him no harm, his opponents self-destruct, and meanwhile the economy has begun to revive, slowly to be sure, but, this time, seemingly inexorably.

Sunday, September 17, 2017

Defeat Is an Orphan

Victory has a thousand fathers, they say, while defeat is an orphan. Perhaps, but defeat has a way of generating countless attributions of paternity. One sees this phenomenon at work right now on the far right and the far left.

On the far right, Louis Aliot has launched an all-out attack on Florian Philippot. With Marine Le Pen herself under attack within the party, she seems to have chosen her partner as designated hitter to fasten the blame for the debacle on her erstwhile BFF Philippot, who may be making his own bid for leadership.

Meanwhile, on the far left, PCF leader Pierre Laurent chose the occasion of La Fête de l'Humanité to tear into Jean-Luc Mélenchon. Mélenchon's crime is to have chosen to jouer perso, as they say, but in the case of Mélenchon egoism is such a central part of his character that it can hardly be seen as a defect thereof. If he weren't an egotist, he wouldn't exist. Laurent appears to resent Mélenchon's effort to put himself forward as the first and best enemy of Macron. Not so fast, says Laurent. Me too. And for good measure Benoît Hamon adds that wherever anyone turns out to oppose les ordonnances, there he will be too. But an opera with three such prima donnas is bound to end in fiasco, or the be upstaged by Martinez, who not only sports a villainous mustache but also has troops he can turn out on command.

Meanwhile, the Macron machine lumbers on, no longer quite the juggernaut it once appeared. But despite the bumps in the road, and the wagoneer's penchant for getting people's backs up with unnecessary insults, he retains the support of his base. I was in France this past week, for once among small businessmen rather than academics, and support for Macron in that quarter was unsurprisingly fairly solid. The carping left and right scarcely registers in these quarters. Fluctuat nec mergitur. The dogs bark, the caravans pass.

Tuesday, September 12, 2017

It's No Longer 1995

When Emmanuel Macron announced that labor code reform would be his first priority, I worried. Mightn't this trigger a strong union reaction, as when Chirac and Juppé tried to reform state pensions in 1995, shutting down public transport, sowing chaos, and eventually forcing a strategic retreat? Well, today is the day of the CGT's general strike, and it's clear that this is not 1995. I happen to be in Paris for a brief visit, so I can report firsthand that the subways are running as usual. There is some disruption of the RER and SNCF, but nothing major. The demos are as colorful as ever, but smaller, and the union united front is no more.

In fact, what has happened reinforces rather than undermines Macron's  strategy. He aims to win a series of small victories, timed to follow one another rather closely, in order to create the impression of steady movement. But because each step is small, the opposition remains small--small but visible and vocal, which suits him nicely because the existence of opposition tends to accredit the idea that he is making big changes--"heroic" changes, as he put it in his marathon interview with Le Point, which hit the streets just as the labor reform was announced (France, he says, needs more heroes).

The interview is a rather odd mix of the heady and the petty, or perhaps more accurately, the lyric and the technocratic, much like Macron himself. To wit: "Ce n'est que le début du combat. Nous sommes un pays ... de calcaire, de schiste et d'argile, de catholiques et de protestants, de juifs et de musulmans." On the one hand. On the other, or, rather en même temps, as the president likes to say, ou presque: "Nous supprimons 3.15 points de cotisations sur les salaires pour les transférer sur la CSG."

This split consciousness leads to some rather dubious formulas, such as "Pourquoi les jeunes de banlieue partent-ils en Syrie? Parce que les vidéos de propagande ... ont transformé à leurs yeux les terroristes en héros. ... Le défi de la politique, aujourd'hui, c'est donc aussi de réinvestir un imaginaire de conquête."

By shaving 3.15 points off the CSG? I'm not sure this will impress the banlieusards in search of heroes. But the lad seems to enjoy what he's doing--or at least he enjoys describing what he purports to be doing. As a friend remarked to me last night, "It's not clear whether we have elected a providential man or a providential child." Peu importe. For the moment his luck has held. If he gets through the Mélenchon menace on Sept 23 (preceded by yet another CGT-organized (non-)general strike (the CGT having decided it wants nothing to do with Mélenchon, nor does it want to see him become the leader of the opposition), Macron may have something to celebrate by Christmas.

Slicing the Political Salami Ever Thinner

Valérie Pécresse has officially launched her "movement," Libres ! (Has Macron's En Marche ! unleashed an epidemic of exclamation points?) She wants, according to Le Monde, to fill the space between Wauquiez and Les Constructifs. Xavier Bertrand also sits in this narrow niche of the political spectrum, which is in the process of being sliced up like salami by a proliferation of political entrepreneurs. Macron wanted to encourage risk-taking, and he has succeeded, at least among politicians, by pulverizing the opposition parties to the point where the ambitious see no point in sticking with their parties and plenty of reasons to depart for the wilderness with their bands of the faithful.

Pécresse is an able woman, well-spoken (adept even in English), a good conservative with an allergy to the Front National--in short, a plausible Republican présidentiable despite being charisma-challenged. But who knows? In five years' time, France may have tired of charisma or decided that Macron's was an ersatz and not the genuine article. It could be ready for une présidente normale who will have demonstrated her talents by taking Ile-de-France in hand. But she will have plenty of competition, and the salami can only be sliced so thin without losing its flavor.

Saturday, September 9, 2017

Show Us the Money

Why do you rob banks? Willie Sutton was asked. "Because that's where the money is," he answered quite logically. France and Germany are now going after American tech behemoths for the same reason: That's where the money is. It's not quite Piketty's global tax on capital, but it may "disrupt" the Silicon Valley disrupters all the same.

Bruno Le Maire, the French fin min, said last week that “Internet giants are welcome in Europe but it’s not right they pay so little in taxes,” adding that new ideas needed to be explored to deliver fair taxation.

Friday, September 8, 2017

The FN Rebuilds

The problem with a centrist government that draws on elements of both the center-left and center-right is that it sets off a battle to the death on the fringes, which must divide the scraps left from the passage of the LREM juggernaut. On the left, for the moment, Mélenchon has cleared the table. The Socialists are gasping for air, and he is feasting on the remains. But on the right a battle royal is shaping up: Will LR absorb the FN or vice-versa?

Actually, that is putting the matter too starkly. Both parties will retain their identity, but the once-impermeable barrier between them has fallen to the political equivalent of Hurricane Irma. Wauquiez is ogling Le Pen's voters through the now-gaping holes, while Le Pen is ogling his. Nicolas Bay (FN) puts it this way:

Nicolas Bay résume la stratégie qu’il voudrait que son parti privilégie pour élargir l’électorat frontiste, sans forcément avoir besoin d’alliances : « Les électeurs de droite partis chez Macron, je ne vois pas pourquoi ils reviendraient. Ceux qui restent, en revanche, sont souvent en phase avec nous sur la sécurité, l’islamisme, l’identité…
Exactly. A pool of voters who could go either way, a passel of politicians eager to bag them, and a minefield between the hunters and their quarry. No one has quite figured out the messaging--or dog-whistling--necessary to appeal to voters who want their insecurities assuaged without incurring the racist label, and to do so without blowing themselves to smithereens.

Philippot persuaded Le Pen to bet on economic nationalism, but it didn't quite work. Fillon showed that appeals to traditional values had some legs but probably not enough to get across the finish line, even if he hadn't had that unfortunate weakness for bespoke suits. Wauquiez has been groping for the right formula for a while now, but he hasn't really found it, except to take warmed-over Buissonism and try to make it work in a very different political configuration.

And for the moment Marine Le Pen has gone all negative, emulating Mélenchon in casting Macron as the absolute enemy but in rather more picturesque and less Marxoid terms: for her, the new guy represents « la philosophie de l’éphémère, de la précarité, du jetable ». A nice phrase, which at least gets us beyond the ritual denunciations of the "Jupiterian" president. As Le Pen well knows--one point on which she agrees with Macron--the French have no problem with top gods as long as they retain the power to rain down thunderbolts. They prefer Jupiter to le président normal. They just don't know yet whether the Jupiter they've elected is really the top god or just a kid who played Jupiter once in a high school play and is trying to reprise his role.

So nobody has quite figured out how to fill the basket with France's equivalent of Hillary's "deplorables," But fill it someone will.

Thursday, September 7, 2017

A Negative Verdict on Macron

Chris Bickerton, as smart an observer of the French scene as one can find anywhere, judges the Macron presidency harshly in this NY Times piece. He argues his case well but in my view relies too heavily on the ephemeral "approval rating" and ignores what is unusual about the Macron presidency. Macron is a puzzling combination of symbolic toughness and strength with pragmatic timidity and caution. Chris reads him as a slash-and-burn neoliberal; I read him as a technocrat who has long chafed at the deficiencies of pure technocratic management, which he saw up close as an advisor and minister to Hollande, and who seeks to fill the void with a simulacrum of grandeur, be it regal, Gaullian, or philosophical.

Macron is an actor who has not yet found his marks. He has tried on, and is still trying out, for the role that best suits him. His uncertainty leaves the public puzzled. They don't quite know what to make of him--nor do I. Some of what they see they like. Some they don't. So they hesitate. This is the entire meaning of his plunging approval. It may come back. Or it may not, in which case Chris will seem prescient when in fact he is merely reading the past two presidencies, which were histories of steady decline, into the present one, which is (I think) quite different.

Of course it may turn out that I am the one misreading things. Mais on s'engage, puis on voit.

Monday, September 4, 2017

Naked Ambition

No politician can amount to anything without ambition, but some have it to such a degree that they are deformed beyond all recognition. If their existence ever had a core, it has long since been consumed by their will to power. Laurent Wauquiez is a case in point.

Wauquiez is not your garden variety exploiter of rank prejudice or xenophobic nationalist demagogue. He is after all un normalien and énarque. And not just any old énarque: he was actually le major de sa promotion. First in his class. The best and the brightest of the best and the brightest. And once upon a time he was even a sort of lib-lab Chiraco-compatible pro-European centrist. But that was before Macron, un autre ambitieux, sucked all the air out of the center. That was before Patrick Buisson persuaded Sarkozy and his circle that the only votes to be had were on the far right, among the xenophobes and declinists and "unhappy identitifiers" and France-qui-tombistes.

And Wauquiez, being a quick study and a certified smart guy, was quick to make the calculation. The centrist rump, the Juppéistes, have all deserted to form les Contructifs (or Collabos, in the eyes of the hard right). As the Waquieziens see it, even those who nominally remain Republicans serve only to alienate potential voters and drive them to the FN. The only way to bring back la droite décompléxée that Sarko dubbed in his dreams is to go after Sens Commun, Marion Maréchal Le Pen's faction of the FN, etc. And Wauquiez, quick calculator that he is, figures he knows how to do it. So in recent weeks and months we've heard him talking about a "Right that is not afraid to be on the right," etc. And all this tough talk has made him the favorite to take over the party now that the historical chieftains--Juppé, Sarko, Fillon--have all been forcibly retired or sandbagged or sidelined.

How large is this reconstituted Right likely to loom in the French political landscape of the future? It all depends. The FN, its principal competitor, is also in a rebuilding phase. The LR defectors who have glommed onto Macron may find themselves on the raft of the Medusa if the good ship Macron goes down. Then there's Valérie Pécresse waiting in the wings, and Xavier Bertrand. Both would have liked to take the Republicans in a different direction, but both had pledged to stick to the posts to which they were recently elected and in any case probably aren't sure that leadership of LR is really the royal road to a brighter tomorrow. So they're sniping from the sidelines, waiting for Wauquiez to trip himself up.

Wauquiez is only 42 but his hair is already turning white. Perhaps he frightens the person he used to be with the perfidious depth to which his own ambition has caused him to sink.

Thursday, August 31, 2017

Has Macron Sliced the Gordian Knot?

Emmanuel Macron badly needs a win. I think he may have it. His labor code reform is out, and there has been no earthquake. It seems unlikely there will be. I'm working on a longish magazine article, but here is my initial reaction:

Today, the details of the reform proposal were finally released. A key provision was a reduction of the maximum indemnity available to employees deemed by a review panel to have been fired without cause. In return, labor received a sweetener: an increase of 25 percent in the compensation due to employees judged to have been laid off for legitimate economic reasons. But, to the unions’ displeasure, employers can now claim to be in economic difficulty if a plant in France is unprofitable, notwithstanding profitable operations outside France. The unions are also unhappy with a provision allowing small firms more room to negotiate with workers directly, without the presence of a union representative.
 On the other hand, the government offered a number of new benefits designed to win union support, including a training allowance for union members who wish to expand their skills and a new office to ensure that companies do not violate rules governing collective bargaining.
 The olive branch extended to the unions may prove effective. Force Ouvrière, the third largest union in France, has announced that it will not participate in the general strike called by the second largest union, the CGT, for September 12. Since FO had been one of the most vociferous opponents of a previous labor code reform, this is a sign that Macron may have sliced the Gordian knot of labor code reform. The country’s largest union, the CFDT, has long been more receptive to liberalization of the labor laws than its two rivals and had already refused to join the CGT. But CFDT leader Laurent Berger said[ that he was disappointed by the provision narrowing the definition of economic difficulty to operations within French borders. He nevertheless characterized other provisions of the reform as “productive” and “intelligent.” He also indicated that the government had withdrawn certain proposals in response to union objections and said that the final result was not “the destruction of the labor code that some critics have proclaimed.”
 As is often the case in French politics, the symbolism of the reform has come to overshadow the substance. The measure is widely seen as a test of Macron’s strength and resolve. Proponents make the exaggerated claim that persistent high unemployment in France is due primarily to labor-market rigidity, which the reform will fix once and for all. Opponents, led by the fiery orator Jean-Luc Mélenchon of France Insoumise and the mustachioed union boss Philippe Martinez, hope to gin up the fervor of their troops by presenting the measure as an all-out assault on the anti-neoliberal resistance (although Martinez did not refrain from participating in negotiations to obtain a better deal for his members, he did not back down from his call for a general strike after the results were announced). While the clash will be dramatized for maximum political effect on both sides, the outcome looks more like an incremental shift toward lighter labor-market regulation rather than a wholesale jettisoning of France’s byzantine labor code.

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